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Цитировать The new frontier of national security and exploration is in the heavens 
Tory Bruno May 15, 2019

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U.S. Vice President Mike Pence gives remarks May 14 at the premiere of the film "Apollo 11: First Steps Edition" at the Smithsonian's National Air and Space Museum in Washington. Credit: NASA/Bill Ingalls

Fifty years after man's first steps on the moon, the future of human exploration in the final frontier is at a critical turning point. American leadership in space is more important than ever and, importantly, it remains one of the few issues that transcends the partisan divide. The Trump administration and lawmakers in both parties have shown a commitment to human exploration in space and the policies needed to maintain America's advantage.

The Trump administration has prioritized an acceleration of America's space exploration program, with the ambitious vision of returning astronauts to the moon's South Pole by 2024 and establishing a sustainable human presence by 2028 using NASA's new deep space exploration systems, the powerful Space Launch System (SLS) rocket and Orion crew vehicle.

On Monday, the administration showed its commitment to these goals by requesting an extra $1.6 billion for NASA in next year's budget.

Since coming into office, the president has laid the groundwork for this visionary plan which can be seen through the revival of the National Space Council. Under the leadership of vice president Mike Pence, the National Space Council has centralized coordination of national space policy and new focus on defense and exploration priorities in space.

With a renewed emphasis on space, the Trump administration is reasserting American leadership in an area that is not necessarily front of mind as a strategic concern. Fortunately, the administration's efforts are bolstered by the fact that Congress has a history of acting in a bipartisan manner to protect and strengthen America's interests in space.

In the last Congress, the House and Senate unanimously approved the NASA Transition Authorization Act, which set forth new goals and initiatives for advancing deep space and scientific exploration, development of space technology, and expanding human presence to the surface of Mars and beyond.

Moreover, Congress has encouraged competitiveness and innovation in commercial space launches over the years, including through bipartisan legislation to foster public-private investments for launch vehicles and associated launch services. Requirements by Congress to transition away from foreign rocket propulsion systems has served to strengthen the supply chain across the United States.

United Launch Alliance's Vulcan Centaur will ensure that we are developing more powerful and efficient launch systems to support both national security and help support NASA's return to the moon by transferring cargo and other supplies to prepare for astronaut missions on SLS and Orion.  Additionally, ULA has built the upper stage that will be used on the first two SLS missions and enable the first crewed return to lunar orbit since Apollo 17.  As the vice president noted during the most recent meeting of the National Space Council, held earlier this year at the U.S. Space & Rocket Center in Huntsville, Americans have been building "the greatest and most powerful rockets" here in the U.S., and ULA is humbled to be a part of this proud history of engineering excellence.

We look forward to working with the administration and lawmakers in both parties as we pursue the goal of launching America forward in the newest era of the space race. With the new Vulcan Centaur on the horizon, we will be taking an important step forward by ending our reliance on Russian engines. However, as China is already beginning to make clear with respect to its own goals and ambitions in the final frontier, it is more important than ever that we continue to act and embrace the urgency to innovate so that American values can help lead the way in shaping the future of mankind's presence in space.

At ULA, we are inspired by the call to "think bigger, fail smarter, and work harder than ever before." We are encouraged by America's renewed focus on space exploration. And we are proud to partner with the government and our private sector innovators as we harness America's best and brightest to make sure we are putting our best foot forward, on Earth and in space. And now, we will do it once again from American soil.

Tory Bruno is the president and chief executive officer of United Launch Alliance.

ЦитироватьAir Force eyeing technology to monitor space traffic near the moon

A team of space startups received an Air Force contract to develop a concept to collect and manage lunar intelligence.

Sandra Erwin April 14, 2020

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The far side of the moon and distant Earth, imaged by the 2014 Chang'e-5 T1 mission service module. Credit: Chinese Academy of Sciences

WASHINGTON — Under a U.S. Air Force small business innovation contract, a team of space startups is working on a concept to collect and analyze information about objects and activities in cislunar space near the moon.

"This is a Phase 1 study to investigate intelligence gathering as it pertains to the lunar domain," Nathan Parrott, director of Saber Astronautics USA, told SpaceNews.

The study is led by Rhea Space Activity, a startup based in Washington, D.C., which partnered with Saber Astronautics, a company headquartered in Australia with U.S.-based operations in Colorado. They will propose using a three-dimensional space situational awareness portal to track objects and analyze data. The companies announced on April 6 they won a $50,000 Air Force study contract to develop a concept for collecting and managing lunar intelligence.

Data about objects in cislunar space analyzed by Rhea Space Activity will be displayed and analyzed in a "space cockpit," a ground mission control tool being developed under a separate Air Force small business innovation contract awarded to Saber Astronautics in 2019.

"The space cockpit uses 3D graphics and gaming-like controls to give a more intuitive feel to the space domain," said Parrott.

A commercial version of the space cockpit is used by satellite operators to monitor, fly, and diagnose problems in spacecraft.

The Air Force would be able to use the same system to integrate lunar intelligence, said Parrott.

"The cislunar domain is becoming more important for space domain awareness, particularly as the number of manned missions to the moon starts to increase," he said. "Being able to ensure the safety of flight for these missions is of critical concern to NASA and others." The government needs tools so that when missions are analyzed, they can be quickly visualized and reviewed, Parrott said.

According to the Air Force small business innovation program's December 2019 solicitation: "As the space beyond geosynchronous orbit becomes more crowded and competitive, it is important for the Air Force to extend its space domain awareness responsibilities to include this new regime. To support this new body of work, the Air Force is seeking commercial innovation in support of space domain awareness for future cislunar operations."

The companies will complete the cislunar space intelligence study in about three months and then submit a proposal for a Phase 2 contract to start developing the technology.

"The goal of any Phase 1 study is to hopefully progress it towards a Phase 2," said Parrott. "That will depend upon the efficacy of the study and its potential to be commercialized among other factors."

Cameo Lance, a physicist at Rhea Space Activity, said that development of a new lunar intelligence discipline is inevitable as the U.S. military seeks to expand its capabilities beyond geosynchronous orbit to compete with China.

"China's Chang'e 4 mission successfully landed a probe on the far side of the moon, and China currently uses a communications satellite at the Earth-moon L2 point to relay communications to Earth," she said.

The U.S. military's interest in the lunar domain extends beyond the Air Force. The Pentagon's Space Development Agency has long-term plans to develop surveillance satellites to keep an eye on cislunar space.

Parrott said the military is trying to prepare for a future of increased space activity and these studies will help provide some answers.

"As it stands, we don't know what we don't know," he said. "So a large part of this project is to discover would be important from a strategic standpoint and make recommendations accordingly."

Цитировать Op-ed | A U.S. return to the moon is about preserving the rule of law
Michael J. Listner April 17, 2020

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This illustration is Lockheed Martin's concept of a two-stage crewed lunar lander that NASA could use to go to the surface of the moon. The ascent module is derived from the Orion spacecraft to ensure quicker development. Credit: Lockheed Martin[/img]

Two recent op-eds in SpaceNews expound on a U.S. return to the moon but both miss the mark of why a U.S. return is essential. In his Feb. 3 op-ed https://spacenews.com/op-ed-for-the-united-states-a-second-race-to-the-moon-is-a-second-rate-goal/, Louis Friedman opines the U.S. should set its sights on Mars instead of the moon and cites a peculiar rationale: the U.S. could lose a renewed race to the moon and hence suffer geopolitical embarrassment. Mr. Friedman's concern veils the underlying rationale that funding for science interests would be affected by a concerted effort to return humans to the moon and establish a presence, whether it be within the timeline prescribed by the White House or at a later date.

A Feb. 17 op-ed https://spacenews.com/op-ed-the-united-states-wont-go-back-to-the-moon-ill-follow-china-there-instead/ by Giulo Prisco takes the contrary view that a return to the moon would confer many advantages. He also recognizes the geopolitical implications for the U.S. if China were to establish a presence before the United States. Yet, Mr. Prisco goes further to note such an event would not be disagreeable so long as one state took the initiative to establish a permanent human presence (i.e., the end justify the means or, in this case, the who). Both op-eds posit opposite viewpoints and comment on the geopolitical aspect of the failure, or a potential failure, of a U.S. return to the moon. Yet, both miss the mark on the genuine reason for a U.S. return to the moon: to reinforce and preserve the rule of law (i.e., free access to outer space).     

Citing the rule of law as a rationale for a U.S. return and a continued presence on the moon may be seen as posturing for underlying geopolitical ambitions. That's unavoidable since geopolitics and international law are intertwined. The conjoining of geopolitical interests and international law brings into further play competing interests of what the rule of law will be. Geopolitics and international law in terrestrial domains shed light on how states might conduct themselves in other domains. Specifically, China's activities in the South China Sea and national claims being made there in contravention to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea demonstrates what a future could look like not only for the moon but the rule of law as well, including the Outer Space Treaty. This concern is most prevalent with the idea of space resources. The legal underpinning of space resources begins with a fundamental statement in Article II of the Outer Space Treaty that prohibits national appropriation of a celestial body, including the moon. This proscription also extends to private individuals under the authority of a state. This means traditional mining claims cannot be made by a state or a private citizen. The concept of space resource performs an end-run around this prohibition starting with the key assumption extractable resources upon or within a celestial body are not part of a celestial body. This idea takes advantage of the lack of language relating to mineral resources in Article II of the Outer Space Treaty and applies the concept of "use" found in Article I of the Outer Space Treaty.

The application of use in a space resource activity permits private individuals to collect and possess mineral resources, including water, through a novel application of use similar to gathering fish from the world's oceans. In other words, the concept of space resources permits a private entity to perform the activity of gathering mineral resources from a celestial body, including the moon, and convert them to personal possession without laying claim to the celestial body itself, which makes space resources an activity that creates a property interest. However, the entitlement created by the idea of space resources that permits private individuals to gather and possess resources does not extend to states as that would be considered national appropriation and prohibited under Article II of the Outer Space Treaty.

This is the theory the United States has submitted as international law but has not yet been borne out in practice, which leaves a weak legal footing that could be exploited. The U.S. must return to the moon and establish a presence that will enable follow-on activities by private companies to perform space resource activities and harden the principle into international law. Uncertainty about space resources creates a vulnerability that can be exploited by China to change the dynamic of international law through customary international law that could unzip the prohibition against sovereign nations laying claim to celestial bodies and outer space in general, which would deny  free access.

The key to exploiting this weakness lies in the relationship between the state and private companies in China. Private companies in China state-owned are seldom if at all privately owned as the state owns significant stakes and creates a private/state hybrid. This duality is effectively used when doing business in other countries as private Chinese companies frequently take advantage of state ownership to defend against lawsuits by applying sovereign immunity. China has been supportive of the idea of space resources and is rumored to be creating a domestic space law that would permit private individuals to obtain space resources. This means any activities to harvest space resources would be performed by a private Chinese company but would also have government ownership as a silent entity, which means a sovereign State would be appropriating space resources under the guise of a private entity, which is a violation of the principle in Article II of the Outer Space Treaty, which prohibits sovereign nations from laying claim to celestial bodies and outer space as a whole.If the U.S. fails to return to the moon and establish a presence to permit private companies to perform and cement the concept of space resources into the body of international law, China could use the vacuum to establish a presence and permit its private companies with their dual identity to perform space resource activities. If space resource activities involving a state are tolerated or not countered, China could create a customary norm of space resources, i.e., states performing space resource activities are not prohibited, that would give constructive claim of sovereignty over celestial bodies. This use of customary law would in turn lead to denial of free access in outer space in the same manner China is using customary law in the South China Sea to establish a sovereign presence and deny free access in the world's oceans.

A U.S. return to the moon is not about replaying the Cold War space race, but rather about furthering a national interest to reaffirm the rule of law to preserve free access to outer space. Free access, which has been a principle of international law for over 50 years, is not only important for the United States, but other states as well. Justifying a return to the moon as an effort to preserve the rule of law and preserve free access to outer space will be criticized as flag waving and fear mongering at the expense of international cooperation. Yet, outer space like other domains is dominated by geopolitics despite platitudes of cooperation, which is subordinated to national interests and realpolitik. Indeed, outer space could become nationalized if the current rule of law is not reinforced.

The United States is at a critical juncture, with Congress at the crux of the domestic tempest about a U.S. return to the moon. The effect on the rule of law must be taken into consideration in the debate about whether and by what means the United States should return to the moon and establish a presence.

Subordinating the rule of law to partisanship and special interest will surrender not only the national interests of the United States in outer space but the very body of international rule of law, including free access. Indeed, failure is possible, but it is better to risk failure and strive for the goal to return to and establish a permanent presence on the moon than sit on the wayside and hope the territorial dispute in the South China Sea doesn't repeat itself on the moon or outer space in general. Congress is in the driver's seat both through the NASA authorization bill before it and appropriations. Additionally, Congress might consider entertaining further legislation addressing space resource rights in conjunction with the Trump administration's Executive Order, which articulates a specific position on the legal concept of space resources and preempts multilateral efforts to define the concept of space resources that would permit China to skirt the rule of law and make territorial gains contrary to the rule of law.

A decision to support a human return to the moon to establish a permanent presence and maintain U.S. leadership in international law the U.S. with the decision to take action apart from partisan motives and special interests and make the commitment and investment that will give the rule of law in outer space a fighting chance. The alternative is to play politics and lose the legal and geopolitical battle, which will ensure the only outcome will be a South China Sea on the moon and in outer space and contentious congressional hearings lamenting why the U.S. did not act when it had the chance.


Michael J. Listner is an attorney, the founder and principal of the legal and policy think tank/consultation firm Space Law and Policy Solutions and the author and editor of the subscription space law and policy briefing-letter, The Précis.

ЦитироватьOp-ed | Lunapolitics: 10 points to consider
John B. Sheldon August 1, 2020

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Renewed competition for the moon is the basis for the rise of Lunapolitics: where political and economic interests intersect with the topography and physical properties of the moon, from its subsurface through to cislunar space, writes John B. Sheldon. Credit: NASA/GSFC

The moon is again the object of competition between major space powers. These powers aim — perhaps even in this decade — to establish a permanent human presence on the moon's surface and in its orbit, and exploit lunar resources for economic benefit.

This renewed competition for the moon is the basis for the rise of Lunapolitics: where political and economic interests intersect with the topography and physical properties of the moon, from its subsurface through to cislunar space. The competitors are primarily the United States and China, but also Europe, Japan, India, and Russia, as well as companies hoping to mine the moon's resources. Lunapolitics is the equivalent of geopolitics, and it is a growing and important reality that will keep diplomats, executives, and strategists busy for decades to come.

With this increasing importance of Lunapolitics, I offer the following 10 points for consideration by those tasked with creating the political and economic framework for our future on the moon:

1. Political and Economic competition for the moon is generally a positive phenomenon: Competition is healthy, yet competition for the moon needs rules of the road and agreed-upon principles undergirded by widely accepted space law, especially the 1967 Outer Space Treaty. The alternative risks a zero-sum, overtly militarized scramble for the moon that benefits no one over the long-term. Lunapolitics is essentially the management of this competition.

2. Currently, the United States is the prime mover of Lunapolitics: It is the only space power today capable of mustering the technological capability, financial resources, and diplomatic will to establish the foundation for a broadly acceptable Lunapolitical framework. The Artemis Accords could be the basis for this, but they do not entitle the United States to a leadership role; America could find itself isolated should it disregard the legitimate concerns and interests of other countries, including those of China and Russia.

3. Lunapolitical power is predicated on geopolitical power on Earth: The largest Lunapolitical powers of the future will be those who possess the favorable geopolitical conditions on Earth today that allow them to be space powers. These conditions include space launch facilities that provide routine access to cislunar space; a highly educated and motivated workforce; a vibrant and developed economy and business climate; and an advanced scientific, technological, and industrial base. It is most probable, therefore, that the United States and China will be the leading Lunapolitical powers.

4. Lunapolitics is economic as much as it political: Just as geopolitics on Earth has a significant geoeconomic component, Lunapolitics will have a considerable Lunaeconomic agenda that will require a deep understanding of the evolving political economy and business dynamics of, on, and around the moon. While Lunaeconomics will be an important component of Lunapolitics, narrow business interests on the moon should not dictate wider and longer-term strategic and political interests of lunar powers.

5. Legitimate Lunapolitics will allow freedom of passage to the moon for all: With sufficient farsightedness, a legitimate Lunapolitical architecture will ensure freedom of passage and navigation between the Earth and the moon for any country or company capable of doing so. Unilateral demands or conditions that certain actors not be permitted access to the moon is a shortcut to delegitimizing any agreed-upon architecture.

6. It will also promote sustainable activity and presence on the moon: Humanity's poor environmental legacy on Earth should not be replicated on the moon, or elsewhere in the Solar System and beyond. A Lunapolitical architecture should enshrine principles and practices that promote its political, economic, and environmental sustainability.

7. Lunapolitical alliances will constantly shift and evolve: As on Earth, Lunapolitical alliances are not permanent and will inevitably change with shifting political and economic interests. It is essential that a durable Lunapolitical architecture can withstand shifting alliances and changed interests.

8. Militaries support Lunapolitical order, not dominate it: A legitimate Lunapolitical architecture can ensure broad international support so long as it advances a predominantly civil and economic agenda. Any overt militarization of Lunapolitics — by any country except under the most exceptional of circumstances — will undermine legitimacy and provoke adverse international reaction. This does not mean that the military does not have a role in Lunapolitics; however, that role should be to ensure freedom of passage and navigation, search and rescue, and enforcing internationally accepted standards of conduct. No single national military will have a monopoly on these functions, and instead a military role in Lunapolitics should be multinational.

9. Lunapolitics is normal, Lunapolitik is not: Lunapolitics will be a normal byproduct of growing political and economic interests in the moon, and to reject the concept out of some misplaced notion that politics has no role in our future presence there is to invite an even worse alternative. To accept Lunapolitics is to also accept responsibility for the future well-being of our moon and our presence there. What is not normal, however, is Lunapolitik — a lunar approximation of Nazi German Geopolitik — where competition is unbounded, rapacious, zero-sum, and overtly militarized.

10. Lunapolitics is a long game, not just an election cycle issue: Finally, Lunapolitics will require a long view, strategic thinking, and a large dose of prudence and enlightened self-interest. While inevitably, Lunapolitics will be dragged into parochial national politicking to some extent, those charged with tending the Lunapolitical agenda should do their best to build bipartisan and multinational constituencies concerned with the common good and interest.

The future is inherently unknowable, and the Lunapolitical agenda outlined here will undoubtedly experience challenges and even setbacks.

But the future is also shapeable, and it is our collective choice whether Lunapolitics opens up new economic opportunities and scientific possibilities, or whether our future in space ends before it could even begin.

John B. Sheldon, Ph.D., is the founder of Lunapolitics.com, a forthcoming content and strategic consulting platform committed to promoting and securing a sustainable and stable Lunapolitical framework for the future. @johnbsheldon

This article originally appeared in the July 13, 2020 issue of SpaceNews magazine.

Цитировать Space Force members can go to the moon, if they're picked by NASA

Gen. DT Thompson: There are no plans today to send Space Force units into space.

Sandra Erwin October 1, 2020

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NASA selected three commercial lunar landing service providers in May 2019 to deliver science and technology payloads to the moon. One of those three, Orbit Beyond, dropped out of the Commercial Lunar Payload Services program two months later. Credit: NASA artist concept

WASHINGTON — Since the U.S. Space Force was established in December 2019, officials have had to dispel misconceptions that the service will have a human spaceflight program and deploy troops to the moon.

At least for the foreseeable future, any member of the Space Force who wants to go to space has to compete for a slot in NASA's astronaut corps. Will there be a time when the Space Force will deploy large numbers of boots on the moon? "No idea," Gen. David D. Thompson, vice chief of space operations of the U.S. Space Force, said Oct. 1. "Certainly not in my career."

But the Space Force has to prepare for the possibility of more human activity on the moon and colonization of the lunar region which could require a military presence, Thompson said during an online event hosted by DefenseOne.

There shouldn't be any near-term expectations that "we're preparing to send Space Force units into space in any way other than through the NASA astronaut program," Thompson said.

Thompson echoed remarks made on Tuesday by Maj. Gen. John Shaw, commander of space operations at Vandenberg Air Force Base, California. At the AFWERX "EngageSpace" conference, Shaw said the Space Force one day might send personnel to stand up bases on the moon, although when that might happen is "anybody's guess" and "a long ways off."

Shaw's comments caused some irritation in Washington because they fuel speculation that the Space Force is not being forthright about its plans and goals.

This rhetoric "is not helping concerns about U.S. intentions in space," Victoria Samson, of the Secure World Foundation, tweeted Sept. 30

The head of the U.S. Space Force Gen. John Raymond has insisted that the service wants to help prevent, not start, wars.

U.S. Space Command spokesman Maj. Cody Chiles said Shaw was not suggesting that the Space Force is planning to stand up a human spaceflight program. He said Shaw sees the Space Force's role in support of NASA's peaceful human exploration of space.

The Space Force will be working with NASA as the space agency starts deploying assets to cislunar space. "Today, military space activities do not extend farther than our highest-orbiting satellites. However, commercial investments and new technologies have the potential to expand the reach of vital national space interests to cislunar and beyond," Chiles said. "It is the responsibility of U.S. Space Force to maintain U.S. advantages in space. If and when that extends beyond the GEO belt, we will go beyond as needed."

Lt. Gen. William Liquori, deputy chief of space operations for strategy, plans, programs, requirements and analysis, said the Space Force will be "part of the conversation" on how the nation's space assets are protected in future exploration efforts.

"Our mission is focused where the United States operates in space and so that tends to be in the area below the moon," Liquori said Oct. 1 on a video chat hosted by WorldBoston World Affairs Council.

"Obviously our partners in NASA have outer space probes that go well beyond that, and our responsibility as the United States Space Force is to protect U.S. and allied advantages and systems in space," said Liquori. "If at some point in the future we need to move beyond where we typically operate today then we'll certainly be a part of that conversation."

Цитировать Moon patrols could be a future reality for Space Force

"It's a brave new world for the DoD to embark on," said Capt. David Buehler, manager of the AFRL experiment named CHPS, for Cislunar Highway Patrol System.

Sandra Erwin November 2, 2020

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The Cislunar Highway Patrol System (CHPS) is a spaceflight experiment designed by AFRL Space Vehicles Directorate to demonstrate space domain awareness capabilities in the cislunar regime. Credit: AFRL

U.S. military space activities today are confined to Earth orbit. That could change in the coming years as NASA begins to establish a permanent presence at the moon and works with the private sector to develop a cislunar economy. The military foresees playing a role protecting those interests if they were challenged by a foreign power.

The Space Force echoes that thinking in a doctrine document published in August, which says the service must prepare for a future when the moon and the volume of space around it could become the next military frontier.

The Pentagon made known its interest in deep space in spring 2019, when then-director of the Space Development Agency Fred Kennedy revealed that tracking objects in the lunar sphere was on the agency's priority list.

A key development last month was the announcement by the Air Force Research Laboratory's Space Vehicles Directorate that it will embark on an experiment to investigate technologies to monitor cislunar space.

"It's a brave new world for the DoD to embark on," said Capt. David Buehler, manager of the AFRL experiment named CHPS, for Cislunar Highway Patrol System.

The U.S. Space Force is contemplating a time when its responsibilities could extend beyond geostationary Earth orbit, Buehler told SpaceNews.

"If we're going to protect and defend, the Space Force is going to need to understand the environment, have space domain awareness capabilities to be able to know where everything is out there," Buehler said.

"I think our experiment is extremely groundbreaking," he said. "This could be the first mission for DoD going beyond GEO."

Buehler said the details of the experiment are nowhere close to being decided. AFRL plans to solicit ideas from the private sector and assess different technologies and approaches, he said. The Space Vehicles Directorate plans to host a conference for interested contractors sometime in 2021 at Kirtland Air Force Base, New Mexico, but the timing will depend on the coronavirus situation, Buehler said.

Scientists widely agree that the surveillance of cislunar space presents daunting technical challenges, he said. One of them is estimating the trajectory of objects that are subject to both the Earth's and the moon's gravitational effects, said Buehler. "As you go further and further beyond GEO, you start to have these weird, non-closed trajectories, they no longer look like orbits, they're more open-ended trajectories."

And the distances are mind-boggling, he added. "We have 1,000 times more volume to surveil. The space after the moon and beyond is 1,000 times larger, so you're dealing with an enormous amount of volume."

The brightness of the moon also creates obstacles for sensors. "And that's one of the things we're hoping to overcome with CHPS," Buehler said. "If you can get out near the moon, you can start to beat down some of those brightness challenges."

As the project moves forward, AFRL will seek advice from the Space Development Agency, the Space and Missile Systems Center, and NASA. "We're looking to actively partner with NASA wherever we can," said Buehler. "Obviously, they have the expertise operating far beyond GEO that DoD just does not have."

A recent cooperative agreement signed by the U.S. Space Force and NASA lays the groundwork for future collaboration on cislunar space surveillance.

Maj. Gen. John Shaw, commander of space operations at U.S. Space Command, called cislunar space surveillance a "big-data problem."

"It's going to require many, many sensors and the fusion of data to present a picture, and predictive analytics to deliver an idea of what's going on in the lunar sphere," Shaw said on a webinar hosted by the California Polytechnic State University.

"When you do the math, it's a huge volume," said Shaw. "In the military we talk about the tyranny of distance across the oceans. This is about the tyranny of volume."

Just understanding what's happening in the environment will be hard, said Shaw, "And that's if people are not up to mischief. Once you have threats introduced into that environment, it is even more challenging."
Role of private sector

The CHPS experiment will provide a glimpse into how DoD plans to leverage technology from the private sector. "It's exciting to see that we might even open up the commercial market with what we're doing," said Buehler. "Until the government shows interest, businesses aren't going to invest."

U.S. commercial companies are developing deep space technologies previously exclusively reserved for governments, from communications to navigation to lunar landing systems, said Doug Hendrix, CEO of ExoAnalytic Solutions, a firm that operates a large network of optical telescopes to track objects in orbit.

Space domain awareness technologies are a "foundational component of the infrastructure needed to support a cislunar economy," Hendrix said.

"For us, the telescopes looking at geosynchronous orbit are the beginning of a larger vision," he said.

ExoAnalytic currently has contracts from AFRL and from the Space Development Agency to demonstrate capabilities to track objects in cislunar space, and to figure out the components of a space-based architecture to do cislunar surveillance.

One of the issues the company is examining is where to put satellites and what sensors would be needed to monitor space from the Earth out to the moon and even farther, said Hendrix.

"There are different orbit designs to come after those challenges," he said. "We're in the early phases of the study."

Most of the objects transiting today in cislunar space are research satellites and scientific probes. "So right now there are very few objects. But there's a lot of commercial as well as sovereign nations' interest in exploring the moon and creating maybe a permanent presence," said Hendrix. "The Chinese are definitely on the path to creating a permanent presence. The United States plans to do so."

With the ground-based sensors available today, it's possible to track medium-sized to larger satellites all the way out to lunar range, said Hendrix. "Cislunar is 10 times the range of GEO, objects are going to be 100 times dimmer. And it's 1,000 times the volume to surveil."

"We have been developing the technology for at least the last five years specifically to be able to see as dim an object as possible, which translates to being able to see farther," he said. "The same technologies we've developed to see very small objects in Earth orbit allow us to see farther out into the lunar orbit."

Major investments will be needed in communications and navigation systems for cislunar space, said Hendrix. "We would like to see the U.S. government pay serious attention to this."

He said DoD has an opportunity with cislunar efforts to embrace new ways of working with the private sector. "These efforts will require rapid innovation," Hendrix added.

The U.S. government is now working to transition the responsibilities of space traffic management from Defense to the Commerce Department, he noted. "I'm really looking to see how they are going to expand these plans to include cislunar as that traffic grows."

This article originally appeared in the Oct. 19, 2020 issue of SpaceNews magazine.

ЦитироватьDARPA picks 14 companies for lunar architecture study
Jeff Foust December 6, 2023

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359036.webp)
Sierra Space, one of the companies selected for the LunA-10 architecture study, will focus on ISRU technologies. Credit: Sierra Space

WASHINGTON — DARPA has selected 14 companies, ranging from small startups to established aerospace corporations, to participate in a study on developing commercial lunar infrastructure.

DARPA announced Dec. 5 that 14 companies will collaborate over the next seven months on its 10-Year Lunar Architecture, or LunA-10, study. The goal of the effort, announced in August, is to develop an integrated architecture to support a commercial lunar economy by the mid-2030s.

"LunA-10 has the potential to upend how the civil space community thinks about spurring widespread commercial activity on and around the Moon within the next 10 years," Michael Nayak, DARPA program manager for LunA-10, said in a statement.

The 14 companies selected are:

Blue Origin
CisLunar Industries
Crescent Space Services LLC
Fibertek, Inc.
Firefly Aerospace
GITAI
Helios
Honeybee Robotics
ICON
Nokia of America
Northrop Grumman
Redwire Corporation
Sierra Space
SpaceX

The companies, Nayak said in a statement, each offered "a clear vision and technically rigorous plan for advancing quickly towards our goal: a self-sustaining, monetizable, commercially owned-and-operated lunar infrastructure."

The companies, Nayak said in a statement, each offered "a clear vision and technically rigorous plan for advancing quickly towards our goal: a self-sustaining, monetizable, commercially owned-and-operated lunar infrastructure."

The statement did not elaborate on the roles of each company, but in a presentation last month at the Beyond Earth Symposium, Nayak said companies were selected for work in six areas: communications and navigation; construction and robotics; market analysis; mining and in situ resource utilization (ISRU); power; and transit, mobility and logistics.

Some of the companies have disclosed details about their roles in LunaA-10. CisLunar Industries, a Colorado-based startup, said it will work on what it calls the Material Extraction, Treatment, Assembly and Logistics, or METAL, framework for lunar resources as part of the study.

Firefly Aerospace said in a statement that it will outline an "aggregated hub of on-orbit spacecraft that dock together and offer on-demand services" based on its Elytra line of spacecraft. "We've identified a path to drastically improve on-orbit mission response times from years to days with scalable spacecraft hubs that can host and service spacecraft across cislunar space," Bill Weber, chief executive of Firefly, said in a statement.

Construction technologies company ICON said its role in LunA-10 would be to leverage its work in 3D-printed construction technologies. "By participating in LunA-10, we can understand what inputs are going to be available, when, at what cost, and in what quantities," said Evan Jensen, vice president of strategic research and development at ICON, in a statement.

Sierra Space said it will focus on integrating technologies for extracting oxygen from lunar regolith. "At Sierra Space we recognize that to enable humanity's extended exploration of space there is a critical need for ISRU oxygen technology on the lunar surface, given its strategic importance in terms of mobility, life support systems and potential commercial applications," said Tom Vice, chief executive of Sierra Space, in a company statement.

While companies are bringing individual technologies and expertise to the effort, the goal of LunA-10 is to combine them into an integrated architecture. "Can we bring about a portfolio of performers that communicate with each other as exemplars and representatives of this community and work together?" Nayak said at the symposium. By working together, the companies will be able "to tell you to the gram, to the watt, to the dollar, what a lunar economy could look like by 2035."

"DARPA finally did what the industry was waiting for," said Gary Calnan, chief executive of CisLunar Industries. "The LunA-10 team has done a great job bringing together 14 companies representing complementary parts of the future lunar economy. This effort will lay the foundation for a marketplace where the entire space domain can participate."

Neither DARPA nor the companies disclosed the value of the LunA-10 awards, but the solicitation released in August said selected companies would be eligible for agreements valued at no more than $1 million each.

The LunA-10 participants will discuss their work at an April 2024 meeting of the Lunar Surface Innovation Consortium, a NASA-backed effort to develop technologies in many of the same areas as the DARPA study. The companies will provide a final report to DARPA in June 2024.

ЦитироватьTo win the new space race, NASA and the DoD need to shift their collaboration into high gear
Colonel Matthew H. Beverly, Lt. Col (Ret) Patrick C. Suermann and Captain Arpan Patel December 22, 2023

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359037.webp)
Illustrations of astronauts working at an Artemis base camp on the lunar south pole. Credit: NASA

In 1962, President John F. Kennedy called to put a man on the Moon by decade's end, and to "shift our efforts in space from low to high gear." Clearly, the U.S. met his challenge; however, he was addressing a world very different from that of today. As he also said in his speech, "There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet."

We are in a new Space Race, where one key event is being the first to establish an occupied lunar camp. The Chinese and Russians have invited international partners to participate in their lunar base, which has an ambitious timeline. They expect to see site selection by 2025, a decade of construction, and then full operation after 2036. Counter this with the lethargic and slipping timeline of the U.S.'s effort to return a person to the Moon by 2024. This is not a race that the Western world can lose.  The country that arrives first will get to lead the discussion on the norms of interplanetary life—consider how the internet would be different if China had established initial norms.

To compete in this renewed Space Race, including the entirety of the U.S. government is critical. NASA is the lead, but there is a greatly overlooked opportunity within the federal government that should provide more consultation to the program, and that could do so without requiring the development of new programs: the Department of Defense (DoD).  While the Outer Space Treaty says the Moon and celestial bodies shall be used for "exclusively peaceful purposes" and "the establishment of military bases, installations and fortifications ... shall be forbidden," it also says "military personnel for scientific research or for any other peaceful purpose shall not be prohibited." Therefore, the use of military personnel, expeditionary experiences, and knowledge to assist NASA in planning and executing a lunar base are well within the confines of what's considered the peaceful use of space.

DARPA's recent LunA 10 project to identify risks and commercial solutions for a future lunar economy is a positive step towards incorporating DoD capabilities. However, this study is intended to bring in new technology to the race when there is already great, underutilized knowledge in the larger DoD. 

The DoD has extensive experience in planning, executing, and sustaining operating locations in harsh, contested terrestrial environments around the world at the extreme ends of long and contested logistics lines. Just consider the DoD's doctrine, organization, training, materiel, leadership, education, personnel, facilities (DOTMLPF) investments, which have resulted in a significant infrastructure of strategic understanding and subject-area knowledge that could benefit NASA in its push for a lunar settlement.

The DoD heavily invests in doctrine and publications to plan for and conduct operations. For the space race, existing strategic documents and guidebooks including Joint Publication 5-0, Joint Planning, and Joint Publication 4-0, Logistics, are simply the highest-level examples of the documented intellectual capital, wargaming, experimentation, and lessons learned for remote operations with embedded concepts such as the Time Phased Force and Deployment Data (TPFDD) which is how the DoD organizes personnel and cargo movements over time around the world. Below this tip of the doctrine are a plethora of subordinate publications such as the Multi-Service Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Airfield Opening; and then, each Service has its own publications as well — all a wealth of knowledge not yet utilized in the race for a lunar outpost.

The DoD is organized for expeditionary, power projection capability. for example, personnel (operators, engineers, logisticians, etc.) in the U.S. Transportation Command, the Army's 82nd Airborne Division or Joint Task Force-Port Opening, or the Air Force's Air Expeditionary Task Force are trained, educated, and well-rehearsed to ensure remote operations are successful.

Working with the defense industrial base, remote basing materiel is one area into which the DoD has invested significant research, development, and purchasing over the last 20 years. The Army and Air Force both deploy and continuously improve self-contained base camp kits that include all electrical and mechanical fittings, life support facilities, and limited initial repair capability, all while working to minimize the transportation footprint. The DoD has also invested heavily in the development of soil stabilizing for helicopter landing zones to reduce the risk of brown outs. While obviously these cannot be directly employed on the lunar surface, the considerations and lessons learned that went into building out the requirements and the solutions could be applied with the assistance of the defense industrial base.

Behind all this research, development, doctrine, and materiel is a government and higher education research ecosystem that contains personnel, centers, and labs that outnumber the Artemis research labs seven times over (113 to 16, to be specific). If the research already accomplished by the DoD on remote basing planning, opening, and sustaining could be applied to the lunar basing research, and the different teams aligned to jointly focus on new challenges, the U.S. might have a chance to catch up. As in Kennedy's Space Race, the DoD does not need to take the lead. But without increased collaboration and prioritization across the federal government, the U.S. will not see the same success in this Space Race as it did against the Soviet Union.

Colonel Matthew H. Beverly is an Air Force Civil Engineer with 24 years of experience. He has planned and executed initial base construction, base expansion, and sustainment across the United States, Middle East, Africa, and the Pacific. Most recently he commanded the 1st Expeditionary Civil Engineer Group directing heavy construction and maintenance across nine Middle Eastern countries. He is a prior Assistant Professor at the U.S. Army War College where he taught military strategy and campaign plan development. He also co-led research sponsored by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering (OUSD R&E) and Army Futures Command to improve the DoD's Science and Technology strategy.

Lt. Col (Ret) Patrick C. Suermann, PhD, is the Interim Dean of the Texas A&M School of Architecture. Before his appointment as interim dean, Suermann served for four and a half years as head of the Texas A&M Department of Construction Science. Suermann is an established researcher who has published numerous journal articles, national standards, book chapters and presented at various professional conferences including the American Society of Civil Engineers Construction Research Congress as well as the Earth and Space Conference, and more. Suermann retired from the U.S. Air Force in 2017 as a Lieutenant Colonel after a distinguished military career of building runways in remote areas of the world or teaching engineering to future leaders of character. Suermann regularly publishes in high profile journals on civil engineering, construction, and lunar construction/materials and was most recently quoted in the New York Times for the future of lunar architecture.

Captain Arpan Patel is the 560th RED HORSE Director of Operations in Charleston S.C. leading the highly mobile, heavy construction unit to build heavy horizontal or vertical infrastructure in austere locations world-wide. He previously served as the Branch Chief of the Air Force Airfield Pavement Evaluation Program where he and his teams were responsible for evaluating structural capabilities and conditions of over 200 airfields across 6 continents. Arpan additionally serves as a Board Director for the Society of American Military Engineers, a global organization that integrates government agencies with industry to improve relationships, build outcomes and streamline large infrastructure efforts and projects.

ЦитироватьNew report calls for DoD investments in lunar space infrastructure
Sandra Erwin January 17, 2024

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359038.webp)
3D simulation of the moon. Credit: NASA

WASHINGTON — The U.S. needs to flex its space muscles in the face of China's lunar ambitions, argues a new report from the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies released Jan. 17.

More specifically, the U.S. military should step up collaboration with NASA and support the development of infrastructure for scientific and economic activities in cislunar space, "as well as the means to secure those activities from potential threats such as territorial claims and irresponsible or hostile behavior," writes Charles Galbreath, senior fellow for space studies at the Mitchell Institute.

Cislunar space — the region of space between Earth and the orbit of the moon — is becoming increasingly important strategically and economically due to potential lunar exploration, space mining and other commercial efforts poised to ramp up in the coming years.

"The DoD must establish an infrastructure for the cislunar regime extending the types of services and capabilities currently in operation closer to Earth, such as space domain awareness, high bandwidth communications and cislunar navigation technologies," the report contends.

Galbreath suggests that DoD needs an additional $250 million in annual funding to devote to cislunar space activities.

"Modest, early investment will simultaneously accelerate U.S. efforts and reduce the future need for larger investments to overcome a Chinese advantage," he said.

While doing research for the paper, Galbreath spoke with U.S. Space Force leaders, "and none of them disagreed with the importance of cislunar space or the role that the military will ultimately have to have there," he said. But they don't have the resources to pursue these initiatives. "They don't have enough funds to get after the threats they're facing today, let alone prepare for something that will happen down the road."

He hopes Congress in the future turns more attention to this issue and adds funding in future budgets. "Taking small steps now to establish the infrastructure that we need to support the civil and the commercial activities will honestly be the best way to avert the need for a huge expenditure later," he said.

NASA and DoD have a history of collaboration
At a Mitchell Institute online forum Jan. 17, former NASA administrator Jim Bridenstine endorsed the report's recommendations. He said DoD investments in sensors, communications and navigation systems are "the right approach" because they are "non combative in nature and increase transparency."

Bridenstine said he sees continued cooperation between NASA and DoD. "When you think about the history of NASA and the Department of Defense, going back to the Apollo era, there's been a lot of collaboration," he said. "Even today, a lot of our astronauts come from the United States military, from all branches. So I think the collaboration is there."

He noted that "NASA is not a tool of military power ... but NASA is a tool of diplomatic power and economic power, and all of those things are not achievable without the security in place. So I think largely NASA understands that security is critically important. And I think they welcome the idea of having domain awareness, communications architectures, and navigation capability."

ЦитироватьChina to launch lunar navigation and communications test satellites
Andrew Jones February 7, 2024

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359039.webp)
The far side of the moon and distant Earth, imaged by the 2014 Chang'e-5 T1 mission service module. Credit: Chinese Academy of Sciences

HELSINKI — China is preparing to launch a pair of lunar experimental technology satellites for a planned constellation of satellites to support lunar exploration.

The Tiandu-1 and Tiandu-2 satellites are due to launch along with Queqiao-2, a lunar communications relay satellite to support upcoming Chang'e lunar far side and south pole missions.

Tiandu-1 and 2 will fly in formation in lunar orbit and conduct tests for navigation and communications technology verification. Tests will include satellite-to-ground laser ranging and inter-satellite microwave ranging methods.

The objective of the Tiandu satellites is to inform the design of China's proposed Queqiao lunar navigation and communication constellation. That system would provide supporting services to lunar surface operations. Robotic and crewed operations on the moon, particularly at the lunar south pole—an area of intense interest—or lunar far side face line-of-sight communications limitations.

Lunar constellations including positioning, navigation and timing services are also planned by Lockheed Martin and the European Space Agency. These systems will face challenges including linking up with both ground stations on Earth and the lunar surface, integrating navigation and communications, maintaining inter-satellite links and a harsher solar radiation environment.

Early visions of China's Queqiao constellation however envision a wider system of spacecraft stationed in circumlunar space and Earth-moon lagrange points, then expanding to form interplanetary staging stations.

The initial Tiandu tests are part of building infrastructure to support the China-led International Lunar Research Station (ILRS). That project aims to establish a lunar base in the 2030s and DSEL is active in attracting international partners. China is also aiming to put a pair of astronauts on the moon before 2030.

Establishing lunar infrastructure could provide the possibility for its developer to boost its space collaboration opportunities, soft power and space leadership.

Last year a senior Chinese space official called for the country to speed up its plans to develop lunar infrastructure or miss out on a never-to-be-repeated opportunity.

Lunar infrastructure, Tiandu payloads
China is beginning to grow its lunar infrastructure. The country already has an aging satellite orbiting Earth-moon Lagrange point 2, tens of thousands of kilometers beyond the moon. The 2018 mission supported the Chang'e-4 lunar far side lander and rover mission.

The new, larger Queqiao-2 mission will operate in frozen, elliptical orbits to support the Chang'e-4, 6, 7 and 8 missions. The Tiandu satellites will be the precursor to a larger system.

The 61-kilogram Tiandu-1 carries a Ka dual-band integrated communication payload, a laser retroreflector, a space router and other payloads. The 15-kilogram Tiandu-2 carries a communication payload.

Both Queqiao-2 and, separately, the Tiandu pair arrived at Wenchang in recent days. The multi-spacecraft Chang'e-6 probe was delivered in early January. The latter will launch on a Long March 5 rocket.

Chinese state media report that the launch of Queqiao-2 and the Tiandu sats will take place in the first half of the year. However, launch via a Long March 8 rocket from the coastal Wenchang spaceport is expected in February or March. This will allow time for commissioning of Queqiao-2 ahead of the launch of the Chang'e-6 lunar far side sample return mission around May.

The Tiandu satellites will enter translunar orbit with Queqiao-2. They will then execute a near-moon braking maneuver to enter a large, elliptical lunar orbit, Chen Xiao, chief commander of the Tiandu navigation technology test satellite at China's Deep Space Exploration Laboratory (DSEL), told Xinhua.

A launch over the last weekend may also have carried a satellite designed to test linking up between the Tiandu satellites and low Earth orbit (LEO). The DRO-L satellite was developed by IAMCAS under the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS). CAS scientists last year published a paper on requirements for satellite-to-satellite tracking between satellites in LEO and distant retrograde orbit (DRO).

The Tiandu satellites are the first to be developed by DSEL, also known as Tiandu in Chinese. DSEL was established under the China National Space Administration (CNSA) in 2022 to support China's lunar and deep space exploration plans. DSEL has also played a role in diplomacy for the ILRS.

ЦитироватьBlue Canyon to deliver spacecraft for U.S. Air Force cislunar mission
Sandra Erwin February 12, 2024

WASHINGTON — Blue Canyon Technologies is preparing to deliver a spacecraft designed for the U.S. Air Force to demonstrate the capabilities of maneuverable satellites in deep space.

The company, a subsidiary of defense and aerospace contractor RTX, expects to soon complete production and testing of Oracle-M, an Air Force Research Laboratory experiment intended to fly beyond Earth's orbit to test satellite mobility and navigation capabilities in the cislunar region of space.

Oracle-M (Mobility) will be AFRL's first cislunar space mission. The Air Force is looking to demonstrate orbital change maneuvers and navigation in that largely unknown environment.

Blue Canyon is building the satellite under a $14.6 million contract awarded in November 2021.

"We are currently targeting a late July 2024 timeframe for delivery to the customer," said Chris Winslett, general manager for Blue Canyon Technologies.

A launch date has not yet been announced. Winslett said Oracle-M is now going through spacecraft-level integration testing. "We're getting pretty close," he said in a recent interview.

Flight heritage for Saturn bus

Oracle-M will fly to geostationary Earth orbit and then travel into cislunar space. "We're excited about this one because we'll be using our platform to demonstrate propulsion technologies and improve maneuverability," said Winslett.

"We see cislunar space as a key region where we're gonna see more interest from various customers," he added.

Blue Canyon builds all its satellite components in house except for the propulsion systems, which it acquires from suppliers such as ExoTerra.

For the Oracle-M mission the company used its Saturn-class ESPA-Grande bus. These are one of the largest in the small-satellite category, about the size of a small washing machine. The company also used the Saturn bus for the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency's Blackjack program.

Four Blackjack satellites launched to low Earth orbit in June and are currently conducting experiments with optical inter-satellite links and autonomous on-orbit tasking software.

DARPA has been able to communicate with all four satellites and verify that they're operating correctly, said Winslett. Blackjack was a key project for the Saturn buses to acquire flight heritage in the space environment.

Blue Canyon anticipates more government contracts for the Saturn platform which, because of its size, is suitable for missions carrying advanced payloads for Earth observation, missile warning and secure communications. "Getting on-orbit heritage with that size bus is kind of opening up that market for us, for not only DoD, but other government customers on the civil side and the intelligence community."

Winslett said the company is actively looking to partner with satellite manufacturers and defense contractors competing for military satellite orders from the Space Development Agency, a Space Force organization building a large constellation of small satellites in low Earth orbit for communications, and for missile detection and tracking.

ЦитироватьRhea Space Activity to fly navigation payloads on lunar lander mission
Jeff Foust March 6, 2024

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359040.webp)
The APEX 1.0 lander from ispace U.S. was designed to better accommodate payloads such as those flying on a NASA CLPS mission in 2026. Credit: ispace U.S.

WASHINGTON — A company developing cislunar navigation systems has won a grant to test its technology on an upcoming commercial lunar lander mission.

Rhea Space Activity announced March 6 it won a $750,000 NASA grant through the agency's TechFlights solicitation to fly two of its Jervis Autonomy Module (JAM) units on a lunar lander mission led by Draper scheduled to launch in 2026.

The JAM units will be installed on two spacecraft that will operate in lunar orbit, serving as communications relays for the APEX 1.0 lander that ispace U.S. will design and operate for the Draper-led mission to the far side of the moon as part of NASA's Commercial Lunar Payload Services (CLPS) program. The units will allow each spacecraft to autonomously determine its orbit though celestial navigation, taking images and calculating its position based on the celestial objects identified in those images.

"JAM allows deep space and lunar missions to autonomously maintain a desired trajectory by celestial navigation, which is 100% independent of the NASA Deep Space Network," said Shawn Usman, chief executive of Rhea Space Activity, in a statement. That helps users avoid the costs of accessing the DSN while reducing the burden on that network, which is often oversubscribed supporting NASA missions.

Each JAM will include a camera that Rhea Space Activity is also developing. Besides being used for celestial navigation, the cameras will be able to take high-resolution images of the lunar surface for mapping and other uses.

Ron Garan, chief executive of ispace U.S., said the JAM units are the first commercial rideshare payloads for that mission. The lander is flying three NASA geophysical and space science instruments as part of the CLPS award. "We look forward to hosting additional commercial payloads on future missions to bolster the U.S. commercial industry's expansion to the moon," he said.

Rhea Space Activity has been working on JAM for several years, and secured investment from SpaceFund in 2021 to support its development. The company also won Small Business Innovation Research awards from the U.S. Air Force to develop a "lunar intelligence dashboard" for monitoring spacecraft activities in cislunar space.

The company sees other applications for JAM beyond lunar missions. "This technology allows spacecraft to operate autonomously and undetected, even in environments without GPS, helping our defense network to operate seamlessly on orbit," said Samuel Lee, chief financial officer of Rhea Space Activity, in a statement. That includes versions of the technology that can "provide discrete navigation and communication capabilities on Earth, supporting ground, air and sea operations."

ЦитироватьJapan creates multibillion-dollar space strategic fund to boost space industry
Andrew Jones March 12, 2024

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359070.webp)
Japan's SLIM moon lander imaged by small rover LEV-2. Credit: JAXA/Takara Tomy/Sony Group Corporation/Doshisha University

HELSINKI — Japan has established a multibillion-dollar Space Strategic Fund to help develop the country's innovation, autonomy and international competitiveness in space.

Japan's cabinet approved a bill to establish a $6.7 billion (1 trillion yen), 10-year fund for the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) in November, aimed at supporting development, technology demonstration, and commercialization of advanced technologies in the space field. New details were presented in a Space Policy Committee meeting in February, including defining three areas for support: satellites, space exploration and space transportation.

Objectives include maintaining independence in space capabilities, strengthening technological superiority, and increasing supply chain autonomy. This is to be achieved by expanding the space-related market, solving global social issues through space technologies, and advancing knowledge and technological capabilities in space exploration. It answers a call in the Space Basic Plan, revised in June 2023, for JAXA to be able to support entities from the commercial and academic worlds.

Domestically, the move is driven by and part of a wider Comprehensive Economic Measures for Completely Overcoming Deflation policy introduced late last year. It also seeks to address international challenges.

"There has been the emergence of many space industry actors, including emerging space countries. The weakness of Japan's international competitiveness has become evident," Yui Nakama, a global fellow at the European Space Policy Institute (ESPI), told SpaceNews. "The lack of clear winning strategies against the vigorous space development in the other countries are major drivers."

"As a national strategy to overcome economic downturns, both [security and civilian] space domains are considered as frontiers where market expansion is anticipated, alongside being crucial areas for national security," says Nakama.

The strategy aims to enhance JAXA's capabilities in cutting-edge and fundamental technology development. It will also increase its role in funding technological development across industry, academia, and government sectors. The 10-year plan aims to provide long-term yet flexible and strategic support for private companies and universities to engage in advanced technology development and commercialization efforts in the space sector.

A supplementary budget for the Financial Year 2025 allocates 300 billion yen ($2 billion) to support space technology development. This includes contributions from various ministries, emphasizing a collaborative approach to advancing Japan's space capabilities.

Detailed plans for implementing the strategy include guidelines on outsourcing and subsidies, focusing on technological development themes that align with Japan's strategic goals in space. This includes considerations for the maturity of the technology and market, with the aim of fostering innovation and commercial success.

The document also connects with a Space Technology Strategy introduced last year. This includes a technology roadmap for development across security and civilian sectors, according to Nakama.

In terms of concrete targets, the strategy aims to develop a low-cost space transportation system that can accommodate a wide range of launch demands, including domestic and foreign satellites. This involves ensuring domestic launch capacity of a total of approximately 30 institutional rockets and private rockets per year by the early 2030s.

Japan's flagship H3 succeeded in reaching orbit on its second flight earlier this year following a 2023 debut failure. Japan aims for around 10 launches per year of the H3 by the early 2030s. Meanwhile private firms Interstellar Technologies and Space ONE are working towards first launches. The latter's Kairos four-stage light-lift solid rocket will attempt to reach orbit as soon as March 13 Japan time (late March 12 Eastern).

The country's launch record in recent years is patchy. It launched a national record six times in 2018, using its H-2A rocket. It plans to transition to the new H3, intended to be internationally competitive, but this has faced delays. Japan conducted no launches in 2022, and just three in 2023, including the damaging failure of the first H3 rocket. The 2030s goal would represent a dramatic change in fortunes and performance for Japan in an increasingly competitive launch market.

Japan is acting at a time of increasing competition and geopolitical tension. There is a growing sense of urgency within Japan to maintain its superiority in space in the APAC region. This is particularly in relation to industrial and political competitions with China, especially in the middle of the U.S.-China rivalry, according to Nakama.

India last year became the fourth country to land on the moon. It is now targeting human spaceflight capabilities, a space station and putting astronauts on the moon by 2040. China meanwhile is expanding its ambitions to include deep space exploration and an International Lunar Research Station and related diplomatic efforts. It is also fostering commercial space ecosystems. The country launched a national record 67 times in 2023 and aims for around 100 orbital launches this year.

Japan meanwhile landed its SLIM spacecraft on the moon and is part of the NASA-led Artemis program. JAXA and Toyota are collaborating on a pressurized rover for the lunar surface. Its deep space plans include the 2026 MMX mission to collect samples from the Martian moon Phobos.

ЦитироватьDoD innovation unit to assess Firefly vehicle for missions beyond Earth orbit
Sandra Erwin March 21, 2024

WASHINGTON — The Defense Innovation Unit announced March 21 it has signed an agreement with Firefly Aerospace to study the potential use of the company's Elytra orbital vehicle for missions beyond geosynchronous Earth orbit.

The Pentagon's commercial technology arm, DIU awarded Firefly a study contract that, once complete, could lead to as many as two flight demonstration missions in the region between GEO orbit and the moon, known as cislunar space.

The contract supports DIU's Sinequone project that aims to deliver cost-effective, responsive access to cislunar space through both launch and orbital transfer services.

"The Department of Defense must be poised to foster safe and secure commercial and civil growth in this region," DIU said of cislunar space.

Established in 2015, DIU acts as a bridge between the Department of Defense and the commercial tech sector. The project with Firefly comes on the heels of another space logistics project DIU announced March 20.

Deploying payloads in cislunar space

DIU's Sinequone project is exploring the use of commercial launch and orbital transfer systems to deliver capabilities and assets to one or more orbits in cislunar space.  In response to the Sinequone solicitation in 2022, DIU received 112 solution briefs from 94 companies, said Nathan Gapp, DIU program manager.

The agreement with Firefly "will enable the government to evaluate the technical feasibility and operational effectiveness of the company's responsive launch and delivery capabilities," said Gapp. "The demonstration will focus on the successful application of the  combined launch vehicle and orbit transfer vehicle technology and methodologies to meet the government's goal of delivering the initial space vehicles to orbit within 18 months of approval to proceed."

Under the contract, after the initial study, Firefly would deliver three to six orbital vehicles for one or more launches to orbits in cislunar space, with the goal of reducing the time to deliver for each subsequent mission.

Firefly also is under contract to the National Reconnaissance Office for a mission to deploy small payloads from the Elytra orbital vehicle.

ЦитироватьWhite House directs NASA to develop lunar time standard
Jeff Foust April 2, 2024

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359047.webp)
NASA has been studying an architecture called LunaNet for lunar communications and navigation that could require a new time standard. Credit: NASA

WASHINGTON — A new White House policy instructs NASA to develop a strategy for a new time standard for use on cislunar missions to provide improved navigation and related services on and around the moon.

The Policy on Celestial Time Standardization in Support of the National Cislunar Science and Technology Strategy, released by the White House's Office of Science and Technology Policy April 2, directs NASA to develop a strategy by the end of 2026 to create Coordinated Lunar Time (LTC), a new time standard based on Coordinated Universal Time (UTC) on Earth but adapted to operations on the moon.

"As NASA, private companies and space agencies around the world launch missions to the Moon, Mars and beyond, it's important that we establish celestial time standards for safety and accuracy," Steve Welby, OSTP deputy director for national security, said in a statement.

Simply using UTC in cislunar space is inadequate for precision operations, the policy notes. UTC is tied to Earth-based systems, but relativistic effects mean a second on the moon is not the same length as one on Earth. "For example, to an observer on the Moon, an Earth-based clock will appear to lose on average 58.7 microseconds per Earth-day with additional periodic variations," the policy states.

While that difference is imperceptible for most applications — it would take nearly 50 years to build up a one-second offset — it is a problem for navigation and related applications, like space situational awareness and proximity operations, where higher precision is required.

"A consistent definition of time among operators in space is critical to successful space situational awareness capabilities, navigation and communications, all of which are foundational to enable interoperability across the U.S. government and with international partners," Welby said.

The policy sets four major features for LTC: traceability to UTC, accuracy sufficient for precision navigation and science, resilience to loss of contact with Earth and scalability to environments beyond cislunar space.

The policy provides little technical guidance for establishing a lunar time standard but suggests it may be done like terrestrial time standards, which use a network of atomic clocks. "Just as Terrestrial Time is set through an ensemble of atomic clocks on Earth, an ensemble of clocks on the Moon might set Lunar Time," it states.

Besides providing a finalized strategy for a lunar time standard to the White House by the end of 2026, the policy directs NASA to also include the topic in its annual cycle of reviews of its Moon to Mars Architecture, which it unveiled nearly a year ago and updated earlier this year. NASA will work with several other agencies, including the Departments of Commerce, Defense, State and Transportation, on the lunar time strategy.

NASA has been working on a concept called LunaNet to provide communications and navigation services at the moon using an interoperable network that could include commercial and international contributions. NASA and the European Space Agency have produced several versions of a LunaNet Interoperability Specification that mentions the creation of a Lunar Time System Standard, although documentation for that has not been developed.

In May 2023, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) announced it was working with NASA to develop a positioning and navigation system for the moon. The goal, NGA officials said then, was to create a system for users on the moon that works "as accurately and as safely as GPS does on Earth." That announcement did not go into details about creating a lunar time standard.

Цитировать Nurturing U.K. expertise: a strategic imperative in the emerging space era
Shonnel Malani May 1, 2024

The space race of the 1950s and 1960s, epitomized by the Apollo 11 moon landing, ignited a generation's fascination with space exploration, turbocharging developments in technology. Fast forward to the present and the space ecosystem is changing: once a domain accessible only to governments, space now affects nearly every aspect of life on earth.

The successful landing of India's Chandraayan-3 on the lunar south pole last year showed the growing international competition to seize an advantage in space. In this era, the victors will be the nations that spearhead innovation through the pursuit of skills.

Investment in the global space sector has grown from $300 million in 2012 to over $10 billion in 2021. The reduction in commercial space exploration costs has enabled investors to seek out emerging space industries such as mining, debris removal and energy production. In addition, the proliferation of satellites — with nearly 7,500 orbiting Earth and an average of fifty new ones launched weekly — is delivering technological advancements that underpin integral parts of daily life, from ride-hailing services to an array of entertainment options.

Growing geopolitical tensions on earth, and a requirement to possess strategic advantage, are driving ventures into space. Adversaries are actively pursuing capabilities that could disrupt critical infrastructure or even pose direct threats. NASA Administrator Bill Nelson brought this point home all too well earlier this month when he alerted Capitol Hill to China's deliberate concealment of military initiatives in space under the guise of "so-called civilian space programmes." This came after several security analysts reported that China and Russia are both engaging in worrisome and "unfriendly" space activities. In the face of this activity, it is clear that without robust investment in space capabilities, nations risk ceding strategic advantage.

So how does the United Kingdom respond? Investments in strategic capabilities show that the role of the private sector in space is only going to grow. But while private capital plays a role in driving success, it is clear in my mind that a nation's success lies in acquiring the skills and infrastructure to understand and develop innovative technical capabilities. To achieve this, the government must embrace academia, capitalize on private investment in the sector and continue to foster partnerships among the three — and seek opportunities to strengthen them in areas where they are weak.

To remain competitive, the U.K. must maximize its equities: its talent pool, world leading infrastructure and access to export markets. Bolstered by a robust foundation that sees the U.K. space sector employing nearly 49,000 individuals, contributing 5.9 billion pounds ($7.41 billion) to exports, and showcasing unparalleled productivity. Acknowledging this basis, the U.K. Space Agency recently announced a new headquarters and four regional facilities. In addition to fostering local talent and employment opportunities, these locations will allow the Agency to work more closely with the U.K.'s booming space sector to achieve ever-more ambitious missions and capabilities. The decision of the U.K. government to invest 10 million pounds ($12.6 million), which joins 40 million pounds of private investment to date, in SaxaVord Spaceport, the first and only licenced vertical launch spaceport in Europe, is just another indication of this boom. With this in mind, and if strategic investment keeps up this pace, the country is well-positioned to become a science and technology powerhouse by 2030.

This drive is being spearheaded by Science, Information, and Technology Secretary Michelle Donelan, who has rightly explained that the U.K. is already at the forefront of the century's most important scientific work. But both Michelle and I know that to remain at the forefront of the global space economy and ensure national security, the challenge lies in cultivating a skilled workforce.

Recognising this imperative, the U.K. government published the National Space Strategy in Action, which commits to providing the private sector with access to an educated and skilled labour force by taking a comprehensive approach to education and workforce development.

In the immediate future, however, the U.K. faces a shortfall in STEM graduates, necessitating a substantial focus on engineering, attracting global talent, and harnessing groundbreaking technologies such as AI. In short, the space sector should embrace competition for the skills that will develop national security capability and unlock the economic benefits that space offers.

But at a time when space is assuming a heightened national security dimension, with reports of China, Russia and even North Korea working to put military capability into orbit, the race for skills becomes more urgent. The U.K.'s future prosperity and security are inextricably linked to the pursuit of advanced space capabilities and requires a renewed emphasis on collaboration.

Fostering closer partnerships between the government, the private sector and academia should be prioritized to ensure the UK possesses the skills and cultivates the talent necessary to confidently stride into the future of space exploration. Failure to do so risks the U.K. falling behind global allies and more worryingly adversaries. 

Shonnel Malani was appointed Lead Non-Executive Director at the U.K. Department for Science, Innovation and Technology in April 2023. Shonnel is an experienced business leader with over 20 years' of experience in the financial and private equity sectors. As Managing Partner of Advent International, he has overseen significant investment in innovative companies across the U.K., U.S. and Europe. He is currently a Non-Executive Director of space technology company Maxar and chair of U.K.-headquartered aerospace and defense companies Cobham and Ultra Electronics.

ЦитироватьНебензя назвал заявления Запада о сохранении космоса мирным лицемерием
ООН, 6 мая – РИА Новости. Постпред РФ при ООН Василий Небензя назвал лицемерием и двойными стандартами заявления западных стран о якобы их заинтересованности в сохранении космоса мирным.
Ранее Вашингтон и Токио подготовили проект резолюции СБ ООН, призывающий страны не разрабатывать ядерные вооружения или другие виды ОМУ, предназначенные для размещения на орбите вокруг Земли или для установки на небесных телах, а также для размещения их в космосе любым другим способом. Россия в СБ ООН наложила вето на проект резолюции – Совбез не включил в текст поправку Москвы и Пекина с призывом навсегда предотвратить размещение любого оружия в космическом пространстве, а не только ОМУ. Китай при голосовании по резолюции воздержался, 13 стран были за проект.

Как указал Небензя, выступая в понедельник в Генассамблее ООН, США и Япония так и не смогли объяснить, почему не согласились на российскую поправку.

"Ответим за них на этот вопрос сами. Они не хотят на это идти, потому что военные доктрины практически всех ключевых западных стран сейчас предусматривают военное освоение космоса. США и их союзники некоторое время назад анонсировали планы, которые включают размещение оружия, частности, ударных боевых систем в космическом пространстве, применение силы или угрозы силой в космосе, из космоса, а также в отношении космоса и его использование для поведения боевых операций", - сказал Небензя.

ЦитироватьThe stakes of Space Race 2.0 could not be higher
Michelle Hanlon May 7, 2024

On April 19, NASA issued a press release announcing that Slovenia had signed the Artemis Accords. Following quickly on the heels of accession by Switzerland (April 15) and Sweden (April 16), this brings the total number of signatories to the United States-led political commitment in space to a whopping 39 nations. Largely ignored by all but the media outlets devoted to space activities, these modest signing ceremonies play a tremendously significant role in the new 21st century space race.

Red Moon Rising: How America Will Beat China on the Final Frontier, a new book penned by Greg Autry and Peter Navarro puts the stakes of Space Race 2.0 in sharp focus — and they're a lot higher than national prestige and bragging rights. At the heart of this race lies China's palpable ambition, articulated by Xi Jinping, to ascend to a dominant position in space by 2045. The significance of this ambition cannot be overstated. As the adage goes, "possession is nine-tenths of the law." Under international law, no sovereign nation may claim territory in space, nevertheless mere presence will translate into superior bargaining power and influence.

Contrary to its portrayal in science fiction, space is not a lawless wonderland. There are four widely-ratified international treaties that govern space activities. They are broadly worded, suffer from internal inconsistencies and glaring gaps and are subject to varied interpretations. For example, while binding international law states that the exploration and use of outer space shall be free for exploration and use by all, it also states that a nation may not claim territory in space by any means. This is balanced by the requirement that activities in space be conducted with due regard for the corresponding interests of others. There is no legal definition for "due regard." As such, there exists a potentially serious first-mover advantage which must be understood and taken into consideration as human society's reliance on the utilization of space continues.

Autry and Navarro clearly spell out the many ways space exploration has benefited humanity. Satellites on orbit gather monumental amounts of information about our home, and have helped us in everything from tracking environmental challenges to managing crops and avoiding disasters. The future holds even more promise as we look towards in-space manufacturing of pharmaceuticals and other products that are easier to develop in microgravity than on Earth.

The authors also offer a stark warning: The Outer Space Treaty of 1967 expresses a desire that space shall be used always and only for peaceful purposes; but it does not mandate that. Thus, as Autry and Navarro detail, President Xi Jinping's Communist Party has developed space capabilities that could wreak disastrous havoc here on Earth. The book's introduction reminds readers that Chinese strategist Wang Hucheng has openly shared the Chinese acknowledgment of "America's soft ribs."

"For countries that can never win a war with the United States by using the method of tanks and planes," he says, "attacking the U.S. space system may be an irresistible and most tempting choice."

China is threatening to disable U.S. space capabilities while they are also building their own space-enabled offensive infrastructure.

As frightening as electromagnetic pulse and laser weaponry may seem, the more pragmatic threat is far more alarming. The stakes are literally access to the vast resources of the universe. In the 1960s, the winner of the space race claimed bragging rights of technological superiority. In a chapter aptly titled "The Cornucopia of the Heavens, Space Resources," Autry and Navarro speak to the many opportunities for economic growth that are supported by space assets — even by merely having a presence in orbit or beyond. But the real prize is beyond. Autry and Navarro are not being hyperbolic when they write that humanity stands on a monumental tipping point. People living today might be among the first to migrate off Earth and never return. Where will they go? To the moon, certainly, but there is a great expanse beyond that to discover and explore. We will need to use the moon as a proving ground. We can learn how to extract resources, including water, from the lunar surface. We will build installations and habitats using resources found on the moon. And the first nation to build a permanent off-world presence will likely set the terms of governance. 

Space Race 2.0 is about building the framework for the future. Having a permanent human presence on another celestial body brings with it substantial authority. The first mover will wield substantial influence over access to celestial resources and the interpretation of crucial legal principles like due regard. This is a tantalizing prize for any country that seeks to become the dominant space power. Let us hope it will be one that prizes human dignity, diversity and freedom.

Despite these challenges, Red Moon Rising is optimistic. It serves as a clarion call to action, urging stakeholders to heed the imperatives of Space Race 2.0 and actively participate in shaping a future where humanity's presence extends beyond the confines of Earth. Read Red Moon Rising and join me in celebrating every new signatory to the Artemis Accords.

Michelle L.D. Hanlon is the Executive Director of the Center for Air and Space Law at the University of Mississippi School of Law and co-founder of For All Moonkind.

ЦитироватьBeyond ISS: America must lead in LEO, cislunar and beyond
Charles Bolden, Scott Pace and Bill Liquori May 15, 2024

As the International Space Station (ISS) nears the end of its service life and the United States commercial space industry continues to push past old technological boundaries, America needs new orbital destinations to remain the world's leader in space.

Low-Earth orbit, or LEO, is of tremendous strategic significance. It is not only where a fast-growing number of satellites operate, but it is also where humans have lived and worked continuously on the ISS since 2000. And while the ISS is a testament to the ingenuity of humanity and the possibilities found within peaceful international cooperation, the station cannot be sustained indefinitely.

The cislunar space beyond traditional Earth orbits is rapidly gaining in strategic importance. This region, which includes lunar, lunar transfer and Lagrange orbits, is already an arena for international space competition. Returning to the moon comes with the potential commercial benefits of untapped mineral resources, water to facilitate human presence on the surface and fuel to support missions to Mars and beyond.

By the end of this decade, the U.S. and its allies could face a gap in American presence in LEO amidst a continued Chinese interest in strategic lunar geography — a scenario with implications not only for science and exploration but also for U.S. leadership and the global space economy. The loss of hard-won American footholds in space would not only interrupt today's important research, but it would diminish America's ability to shape the rules of the space frontier upon which our nation and our allies rely.

Continuous human presence in LEO space and increased cislunar presence provide the ultimate test of the policies, agreements, and operations that collectively comprise "norms" affecting everyone and everything in that environment. Without a continuous U.S. presence, we face the very real prospect of abdicating the strategic and moral high ground to nations with space ambitions hostile to American values, and the values of our closest friends and allies.

If we don't show up, we cannot lead.

This is about far more than hardware or astronauts. Crewed without interruption since 2000, the ISS has been a unique platform where complex legal and ethical issues in space have been addressed cooperatively among disparate international partners. Human spaceflight is the ultimate venue to refine the internationally accepted norms of operation. These norms, whether developed deliberately or by precedent, have enormous consequences not only for today's scientists and engineers, but for future generations who will rely on access to space — and especially those who may eventually live and work in space.

If the U.S. does not lead in LEO, other spacefaring nations will be forced to partner with China for access to the only other space station currently in existence, the Tiangong. Tiangong is continually touted in China's official press as a symbol of self-reliance and "independent innovation" — statements that represent a starkly different sentiment than the plaque America's first astronauts left on the moon announcing we "came in peace for all mankind."

We face the daunting prospect of increased Chinese influence if the U.S. lunar focus lags behind. China continues to show determined interest in critical lunar regions including the water rich south pole and the underexplored far side. China's interest extends above the lunar surface to the Lagrange points, which afford stable orbits for communication to enable far side exploration and resource return, interim gateway locations to facilitate deep space missions and increasingly important lunar domain awareness.

China's strategic maneuvers in space, from the deployment of its space station to its determined focus on critical lunar geography, to the integration of new space capabilities into military operations, signal a clear intent to challenge U.S. preeminence in and through the space domain. Their actions, coupled with aggressive developments in anti-satellite capabilities, underscore the urgency for the U.S. to maintain the strong alliances and trust built through the ISS. An American retreat from LEO would be a clear signal to others that international space leadership is up for grabs.

America can and should continue to explore and develop off-planet destinations where norms and knowledge advance together. To do so, we must deliver a seamless, generational shift, from government-owned to commercially provided orbital platforms. The burgeoning commercial space sector offers innovative and cost-effective solutions for maintaining our presence in LEO and creating a new presence in cislunar space. Collaborating with allies and like-minded nations can create a multistakeholder framework that extends the spirit of the ISS and offers necessary alternatives to the Chinese and Russian led International Lunar Research Station and other similar, future endeavors.

The retirement of the ISS and a second race to the moon can mark the beginning of a new chapter in space in which the United States continues to play a leading role. An American presence in Earth and cislunar orbits is not just about maintaining a national strategic advantage, but it is also about preserving a hard-earned legacy of guiding the cooperative development of relationships, organizations, and norms of behavior that keep space a peaceful domain with benefits for all of humanity.

The path forward is clear.

The stakes are too high, and the opportunities too great. America must lead in LEO and cislunar space as a foundation for leadership on Earth and beyond, charting a course for a boundless future that reflects common values of democracy, freedom, human rights, the rule of law and the use of space for peaceful purposes.

Charles F. Bolden Jr. is a Major General (Ret.) of the U.S. Marine Corps, served as the 12th NASA Administrator and is Founder and CEO Emeritus of The Charles F. Bolden Group LLC.

Scott Pace is Director of the Space Policy Institute at the Elliott School of International Affairs of George Washington University. He served as Executive Secretary of the National Space Council and Associate Administrator for Program Analysis and Evaluation at NASA.

Bill Liquori is Lieutenant General (Ret.) of the U.S. Space Force and former Director for Space Policy at the National Security Council. He currently serves as a consultant, strategic advisor and board member for multiple aerospace and military focused organizations.

ЦитироватьЗапад подтвердил намерение продолжать милитаризацию космоса, заявил Небензя
ООН, 20 мая – РИА Новости. Запад, не дав принять в понедельник проект резолюции РФ в СБ ООН, подтвердил свое намерение продолжат милитаризацию космоса, заявил на заседании Совбеза постпред РФ при организации Василий Небензя.
Ранее из-за позиции западных стран СБ ООН не принял резолюцию РФ о предотвращении гонки вооружений в космосе. За резолюцию голосовали Россия, Китай, Алжир, Гайана, Эквадор, Мозамбик, Сьерра-Леоне. Воздержалась Швейцария. Против были: США, Франция, Британия, Япония, Словения, Республика Корея, Мальта.

Небензя напомнил, как в апреле США и их союзники в СБ ООН "били себя в грудь", громко заверяя всех в своей приверженности мирному космосу.

"Сегодня, после того, как они подтвердили свои реальные намерения продолжать милитаризировать космос и создавать соответствующие вооружения, особенно цинично и лицемерно выглядят попытки оправдать свои действия якобы неконсенсусным характером нашего проекта", - сказал Небензя.
По его словам, Россия в целом довольна результатом сегодняшнего голосования. "Помимо цифр оно продемонстрировало водораздел между теми, кто стремится к мирному освоению космоса, а кто ведет дело к его милитаризации. Западные страны оказались сегодня, по сути, изолированы в Совете. И это симптоматично", - подчеркнул постпред.

По словам постпреда, вызывает глубокое сожаление, что эти страны сегодня не дали Совету безопасности принять взвешенное "и столь востребованное сейчас решение в пользу сохранения космоса исключительно для мирного использования".

"Таким образом, сегодня они окончательно сбросили с себя маски, саморазоблачились и предстали перед нами тем, кем они являются на самом деле", - отметил Небензя.
"Причина, по которой вы не поддержали наш проект, банальна и проста. Вы просто хотите оставить себе свободу рук для использования космоса в военных целях и размещения там любых видов вооружений", - заключил постпред.

ЦитироватьООН и Международный астрономический союз приступили к «разделке» Луны
19:11, 31 мая 2024

сокращенный перевод новостного ресурса Lenta.ru

Международный астрономический союз (МАС) создал рабочую группу для взаимодействия с ООН, чтобы приступить к «разделке» районов Луны, которые перспективны либо для строительства лунных баз, либо для обсерваторий. Об этом пишет издание The Conversation.

Предполагается, что к 2035 году американские и китайские ракеты смогут доставлять людей на долговременные лунные базы. Базы будут размещены вблизи Южного полюса из-за почти непрерывного поступления солнечной энергии и обильных источников воды, которые находятся в постоянно затененных районах поблизости, внутри кратеров.

Определенные районы Луны представляют большую ценность не только с точки зрения строительства обитаемой базы, но и для уникальных астрономических исследований. Обратная стороны Луны защищена от земных радиопомех, поэтому считается подходящей для наблюдения низкочастотных радиоволн, содержащих информацию о темных веках Вселенной, когда еще не сформировались звезды и галактики. Кроме того, в лунных полярных регионах нет сейсмической активности, поэтому там можно разместить детекторы гравитационных волн, достаточно чувствительные для обнаружения пар черных дыр, которые вот-вот сольются.

Однако исследование показало, что строительство баз на Луне может препятствовать наблюдениям радиоволн и гравитационных волн из-за возможных помех и вибраций. Так, добыча воды может нарушить тонкую настройку гравитационно-волновых телескопов. Группировки спутников, которые планируется разместить на орбите Луны, могут помешать наблюдениям радиоволн очень низкой частоты.

Авторы отмечают, что существует несколько альтернативных мест для размещения телескопов. Рабочая группа МАС собирается ранжировать районы Луны по степени их важности для каждого типа телескопов и обговорить это с ключевым комитетом ООН. Это поможет астрономам, астронавтам из разных стран и частным лицам разделить естественный спутник, отмечают авторы.

[свернуть]

The rush to return humans to the Moon and build lunar bases could threaten opportunities for astronomy
Published: May 30, 2024 2.16pm CEST

The 2020s have already seen many lunar landing attempts, although several of them have crashed or toppled over. With all the excitement surrounding the prospect of humans returning to the Moon, both commercial interests and scientists stand to gain.

The Moon is uniquely suitable for researchers to build telescopes they can't put on Earth because it doesn't have as much satellite interference as Earth, nor a magnetic field blocking out radio waves. But only recently have astronomers like me started thinking about potential conflicts between the desire to expand knowledge of the universe on one side and geopolitical rivalries and commercial gain on the other, and how to balance those interests.

As an astronomer and the co-chair of the International Astronomical Union's working group Astronomy from the Moon, I'm on the hook to investigate this question.

Everyone to the south pole

By 2035 – just 10 or so years away – American and Chinese rockets could be carrying humans to long-term lunar bases.

Both bases are planned for the same small areas near the south pole because of the near-constant solar power available in this region and the rich source of water that scientists believe could be found in the Moon's darkest regions nearby.

Unlike the Earth, the Moon is not tilted relative to its path around the Sun. As a result, the Sun circles the horizon near the poles, almost never setting on some crater rims. There, the never-setting Sun casts long shadows over nearby craters, hiding their floors from direct sunlight for the past 4 billion years, 90% of the age of the solar system.

These craters are basically pits of eternal darkness. And it's not just dark down there, it's also cold: below -418 degrees Fahrenheit (-250 degrees Celsius). It's so cold that scientists predict that water in the form of ice at the bottom of these craters – likely brought by ancient asteroids colliding with the Moon's surface – will not melt or evaporate away for a very long time.

Surveys from lunar orbit suggest that these craters, called permanently shadowed regions, could hold half a billion tons of water.

The constant sunlight for solar power and proximity to frozen water makes the Moon's poles attractive for human bases. The bases will also need water to drink, wash up and grow crops to feed hungry astronauts. It is hopelessly expensive to bring long-term water supplies from Earth, so a local watering hole is a big deal.

Telescopes on the Moon

For decades, astronomers had ignored the Moon as a potential site for telescopes because it was simply infeasible to build them there. But human bases open up new opportunities.

The radio-sheltered far side of the Moon, the part we never see from Earth, makes recording very low frequency radio waves accessible. These signals are likely to contain signatures of the universe's "Dark Ages," a time before any stars or galaxies formed.

Astronomers could also put gravitational wave detectors at the poles, since these detectors are extraordinarily sensitive, and the Moon's polar regions don't have earthquakes to disturb them as they do on Earth.

A lunar gravitational wave detector could let scientists collect data from pairs of black holes orbiting each other very closely right before they merge. Predicting where and when they will merge tells astronomers where and when to look for a flash of light that they would otherwise miss. With those extra clues, scientists could learn how these black holes are born and how they evolve.

The cold at the lunar poles also makes infrared telescopes vastly more sensitive by shifting the telescopes' black body radiation to longer wavelengths. These telescopes could give astronomers new tools to look for life on Earth-like planets beyond the solar system.

And more ideas keep coming. The first radio antennae are scheduled to land on the far side next year.

(https://img.novosti-kosmonavtiki.ru/359048.bin)
An illustration of LuSEE Night, a NASA and Department of Energy radio telescope planned for the far side of the Moon. Tricia Talbert, NASA

Conflicting interests
But the rush to build bases on the Moon could interfere with the very conditions that make the Moon so attractive for research in the first place. Although the Moon's surface area is greater than Africa's, human explorers and astronomers want to visit the same few kilometer-sized locations.

But activities that will help sustain a human presence on the Moon, such as mining for water, will create vibrations that could ruin a gravitational wave telescope.

Also, many elements found on the Moon are extremely valuable back on Earth. Liquid hydrogen and oxygen make precious rocket propellant, and helium-3 is a rare substance used to improve quantum computers.

But one of the few places rich in helium-3 on the Moon is found in one of the most likely places to put a far-side, Dark Ages radio telescope.

Finally, there are at least two internet and GPS satellite constellations planned to orbit the Moon a few years from now. Unintentional radio emissions from these satellites could render a Dark Ages telescope useless.

The time is now

But compromise isn't out of the question. There might be a few alternative spots to place each telescope.

In 2024, the International Astronomical Union put together the working group Astronomy from the Moon to start defining which sites astronomers want to preserve for their work. This entails ranking the sites by their importance for each type of telescope and beginning to talk with a key United Nations committee. These steps may help astronomers, astronauts from multiple countries and private interests share the Moon.